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Free-trade frontier: U.S. sugar policy |
By
David Barboza, The New York Times
May 7, 2001 |
SUGAR LAND, Texas For anyone who thinks of the United States
as a free-trade nation, the 10-story brick sugar refinery on
Highway 90A on the outskirts of Houston is startling.
The plant can produce 500,000 tons of sugar a year, enough to
sweeten about 90 billion doughnuts. But while America has a
sweet tooth, it does not need all that sugar. Indeed, America
is swimming in sugar, largely because the sugar business is
one of the economy's most protectionist niches.
Sugar programs that protect growers from foreign competition
cost U.S. consumers almost $2 billion a year in higher prices
for everything from candy bars to cold cereal, according to
government studies. Artificially high prices have led to
overproduction, leaving taxpayers the owners of 1 million tons
of sugar that they pay $1.4 million a month just to store,
some of it in Sugar Land.
Yet this year the owner of the plant here - Imperial Sugar
Co., the biggest U.S. sugar refiner - filed for Chapter 11
bankruptcy-law protection because it had lost so much money
turning relatively high-priced raw sugar into refined sugar,
which it sells into a depressed, glutted market.
Now refiners are demanding an overhaul of the sugar program.
Consumer groups want it abolished. And even its backers and
beneficiaries - big growers that are major donors to both
political parties - are dissatisfied. They want more
protection, complaining that trade initiatives such as the
North American Free Trade Agreement threaten to undermine the
industry and further depress the price of sugar.
Congress is hearing testimony on these matters as it takes up
a new farm bill, debate on which is expected to continue into
next year. The conventional wisdom is that Washington - for
all its talk of free trade - is unlikely to scrap a program
that has bipartisan support any more than it has been prone to
eliminate supports for other farmers.
But some lawmakers say that sugar policy is ripe for revision.
"Events of the past year indicate that the sugar program
is becoming increasingly unmanageable and that radical reforms
are needed urgently," said Richard Lugar, chairman of the
Senate Agriculture Committee and a longtime opponent of the
program.
At the heart of the debate is a sugar policy that since the
New Deal has held that domestic growers ought to be shielded
from the vagaries of the commodity markets. The current
program, put in place in 1981, promised that kind of stability
by limiting imports and making loans to growers.
But production has exploded in recent years, helped by new
technology and favorable weather. Government policies and
price supports, on balance, also encouraged farmers to abandon
even more seriously depressed crops in favor of sugar beets
and cane.
Overproduction sent prices tumbling, and the lower prices hurt
growers. But the hardest hit were cane refiners. At times, the
prices they paid for raw sugar were higher than those at which
they could sell refined sugar.
If nothing changes, industry officials fear a ferocious
one-two punch: the possible loss of cane-refining capacity at
home, which could hurt food producers, and a steady rise in
imports, which could wipe out both domestic growers and
refiners.
Free-market economists say that might be the most efficient
outcome, but no industry disappears without a fight. The
refiners are one of many interest groups that have stormed
Capitol Hill, trying to influence the shape of sugar policy.
None are so powerful as the largest U.S. producer of raw
sugar, Flo-Sun Corp. of Palm Beach, Florida, run by Jose Pepe
Fanjul and Alfonso Fanjul, Cuban exiles who created a sugar
empire in the Florida Everglades and are now big donors both
to Republicans and Democrats.
Flo-Sun and other giant producers want to strengthen the
program by putting new restrictions on domestic production of
sugar beets and cane. They also want to limit the scope of any
future trade deal that might lead to what they consider unfair
competition.
Critics of the program - from food producers to refiners to
consumer groups - would like the program discarded or
significantly weakened. SUGAR LAND, Texas For anyone who
thinks of the United States as a free-trade nation, the
10-story brick sugar refinery on Highway 90A on the outskirts
of Houston is startling.
The plant can produce 500,000 tons of sugar a year, enough to
sweeten about 90 billion doughnuts. But while America has a
sweet tooth, it does not need all that sugar. Indeed, America
is swimming in sugar, largely because the sugar business is
one of the economy's most protectionist niches.
Sugar programs that protect growers from foreign competition
cost U.S. consumers almost $2 billion a year in higher prices
for everything from candy bars to cold cereal, according to
government studies. Artificially high prices have led to
overproduction, leaving taxpayers the owners of 1 million tons
of sugar that they pay $1.4 million a month just to store,
some of it in Sugar Land.
Yet this year the owner of the plant here - Imperial Sugar
Co., the biggest U.S. sugar refiner - filed for Chapter 11
bankruptcy-law protection because it had lost so much money
turning relatively high-priced raw sugar into refined sugar,
which it sells into a depressed, glutted market.
Now refiners are demanding an overhaul of the sugar program.
Consumer groups want it abolished. And even its backers and
beneficiaries - big growers that are major donors to both
political parties - are dissatisfied. They want more
protection, complaining that trade initiatives such as the
North American Free Trade Agreement threaten to undermine the
industry and further depress the price of sugar.
Congress is hearing testimony on these matters as it takes up
a new farm bill, debate on which is expected to continue into
next year. The conventional wisdom is that Washington - for
all its talk of free trade - is unlikely to scrap a program
that has bipartisan support any more than it has been prone to
eliminate supports for other farmers.
But some lawmakers say that sugar policy is ripe for revision.
"Events of the past year indicate that the sugar program
is becoming increasingly unmanageable and that radical reforms
are needed urgently," said Richard Lugar, chairman of the
Senate Agriculture Committee and a longtime opponent of the
program.
At the heart of the debate is a sugar policy that since the
New Deal has held that domestic growers ought to be shielded
from the vagaries of the commodity markets. The current
program, put in place in 1981, promised that kind of stability
by limiting imports and making loans to growers.
But production has exploded in recent years, helped by new
technology and favorable weather. Government policies and
price supports, on balance, also encouraged farmers to abandon
even more seriously depressed crops in favor of sugar beets
and cane.
Overproduction sent prices tumbling, and the lower prices hurt
growers. But the hardest hit were cane refiners. At times, the
prices they paid for raw sugar were higher than those at which
they could sell refined sugar.
If nothing changes, industry officials fear a ferocious
one-two punch: the possible loss of cane-refining capacity at
home, which could hurt food producers, and a steady rise in
imports, which could wipe out both domestic growers and
refiners.
Free-market economists say that might be the most efficient
outcome, but no industry disappears without a fight. The
refiners are one of many interest groups that have stormed
Capitol Hill, trying to influence the shape of sugar policy.
None are so powerful as the largest U.S. producer of raw
sugar, Flo-Sun Corp. of Palm Beach, Florida, run by Jose Pepe
Fanjul and Alfonso Fanjul, Cuban exiles who created a sugar
empire in the Florida Everglades and are now big donors both
to Republicans and Democrats.
Flo-Sun and other giant producers want to strengthen the
program by putting new restrictions on domestic production of
sugar beets and cane. They also want to limit the scope of any
future trade deal that might lead to what they consider unfair
competition.
Critics of the program - from food producers to refiners to
consumer groups - would like the program discarded or
significantly weakened. SUGAR LAND, Texas For anyone who
thinks of the United States as a free-trade nation, the
10-story brick sugar refinery on Highway 90A on the outskirts
of Houston is startling.
The plant can produce 500,000 tons of sugar a year, enough to
sweeten about 90 billion doughnuts. But while America has a
sweet tooth, it does not need all that sugar. Indeed, America
is swimming in sugar, largely because the sugar business is
one of the economy's most protectionist niches.
Sugar programs that protect growers from foreign competition
cost U.S. consumers almost $2 billion a year in higher prices
for everything from candy bars to cold cereal, according to
government studies. Artificially high prices have led to
overproduction, leaving taxpayers the owners of 1 million tons
of sugar that they pay $1.4 million a month just to store,
some of it in Sugar Land.
Yet this year the owner of the plant here - Imperial Sugar
Co., the biggest U.S. sugar refiner - filed for Chapter 11
bankruptcy-law protection because it had lost so much money
turning relatively high-priced raw sugar into refined sugar,
which it sells into a depressed, glutted market.
Now refiners are demanding an overhaul of the sugar program.
Consumer groups want it abolished. And even its backers and
beneficiaries - big growers that are major donors to both
political parties - are dissatisfied. They want more
protection, complaining that trade initiatives such as the
North American Free Trade Agreement threaten to undermine the
industry and further depress the price of sugar.
Congress is hearing testimony on these matters as it takes up
a new farm bill, debate on which is expected to continue into
next year. The conventional wisdom is that Washington - for
all its talk of free trade - is unlikely to scrap a program
that has bipartisan support any more than it has been prone to
eliminate supports for other farmers.
But some lawmakers say that sugar policy is ripe for revision. |
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